“Some of these stories are closer to my own life than others are, but not one of them is as close as people seem to think.” Alice Murno, from the intro to Moons of Jupiter

"Talent hits a target no one else can hit; genius hits a target no one else can see." Arthur Schopenhauer

“Why does everything you know, and everything you’ve learned, confirm you in what you believed before? Whereas in my case, what I grew up with, and what I thought I believed, is chipped away a little and a little, a fragment then a piece and then a piece more. With every month that passes, the corners are knocked off the certainties of this world: and the next world too. Show me where it says, in the Bible, ‘Purgatory.’ Show me where it says ‘relics, monks, nuns.’ Show me where it says ‘Pope.’” –Thomas Cromwell imagines asking Thomas More—Wolf Hall by Hilary Mantel

My favorite posts to get started: The Self-Righteousness Instinct, Sabbath Says, Encounters, Inc., and What Makes "Wolf Hall" so Great?.

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

Why I Am Not a Feminist—and You Shouldn’t Be Either part 3: Engendering Gender Madness


             "As a professional debunker I feel like I know bunk when I see it, and Wertheim has well captured the genre: 'In all likelihood there will be an abundant use of CAPITAL LETTERS and exclamation points!!! Important sections will be underlined or bolded, or circled, for emphasis.'"


This is from Skeptic editor Michael Shermer's review of a book on the demarcation problem, the thorny question of how to recognize whether ideas are revolutionary or just, well, bunk. Obviously, if someone's writing begs for attention in way that seems meretricious or unhinged, you're likely dealing with a bunk peddler. What to make, then, of these lines, to which I have not added any formatting?

"Honestly, I can’t think of a better way to make a girl in grade school question whether she’ll have any interest in or aptitude for science than to present her with a 'science for girls' kit."

"And, science kits that police these gender stereotypes run the risk of alienating boys from science, too."

"I really don’t think that science kits should be segregated by gender, but if you are going to segregate them at least make the experiments for girls NOT SO LAME."

"If girls are at all interested in science, then it must be in a pretty, feminine way that reinforces notions of beauty. It’s mystical. The chemistry of perfumery is hidden behind 'perfection.' But boys get actual physics and chemistry—just like that, with no fancy modifiers. This division is NOT okay..."

To the first, I’d say, really? You must have a very limited imagination. To the second, I’d say, really? Isn’t “police” a strong term for science kits sold at a toy store? I agree with the third, but I think the author needs to settle down. And to the fourth, I’d say, well, if the kids really want kits of this nature—and if they don’t want them the manufacturer won’t be offering them for long—you’d have to demonstrate that they actually cause some harm before you can say, in capitals or otherwise, they’re not okay.

Were these breathless fulminations posted on the pages of some poststructuralist site for feminist rants? The first and second are from philosopher Janet Stemwedel’s blog at Scientific American. The third is from a blog hosted by the American Geophysical Union and was written by geologist Evelyn Mervine. And the fourth is from anthropologist Krystal D’Costa’s blog, also at Scientific American.

           You’d hope these blog posts, as emphatic as they are, would provide links to some pretty compelling research on the dangers of pandering to kids’ and parents’ gender stereotypes. One of the posts has a link to a podcast about research on how vaginas are supposed to smell. Another of Stemwedel’s posts on the issue links to yet another post, by Christie Wilcox, in which she not-so-gently takes the journal Nature to task for publishing what was supposed to be a humorous piece on gender differences. It’s only through this indirect route that you can find any actual evidence—in any of these posts—that stereotyping is harmful. “Reinforcing negative gender stereotypes is anything but harmless,” Wilcox declares. But does humor based on stereotypes in fact reinforce them, or does it make them seem ridiculous? How far are we really willing to go to put a stop to this type of humor? It seems to me that gender and racial and religious stereotypes are the bread-and-butter of just about every comedian in the business. 

            The science Wilcox refers to has nothing to do with humor but instead demonstrates a phenomenon psychologists call stereotype threat. It’s a fascinating topic—really one of the most fascinating in psychology in my opinion. It may even be an important factor in the underrepresentation of women in STEM fields. Still, the connection between research on stereotypes and performance—stereotype boost has also been documented—and humor is tenuous. And the connection with pink and pretty microscopes is even more nebulous.

           Helping women in STEM fields feel more welcome is a worthy cause. Gender stereotypes probably play some role in their current underrepresentation. I take these authors at their word that they routinely experience the ill effects of common misconceptions about women’s cognitive abilities, so I sympathize with their frustration to a degree. I even have to admit that it’s a testament to the success of past feminists that the societal injustices their modern counterparts rail against are so much less overt—so subtle. But they may actually be getting too subtle; decrying them sort of resembles the righteous, evangelical declaiming of conspiracy theorists. If you can imagine a way that somebody may be guilty of reinforcing stereotypes, you no longer even have to shoulder the burden of proving they’re guilty.

          The takeaway from all this righteously indignant finger-pointing is that you should never touch anything with even a remote resemblance to a stereotype. Allow me some ironic capitals of my own: STEREOTYPES BAD!!! This message, not surprisingly, even reaches into realms where a casual dismissal of science is fashionable, and skepticism about the value of empirical research, expressed in tortured prose, is an ascendant virtue—or maybe I have the direction of the influence backward.

           On two separate occasions now, one of my colleagues in the English department has posted the story of a baby named Storm on Facebook. Storm’s parents opted against revealing the newborn’s sex to friends and any but immediate family to protect her or him from those nasty stereotypes. In the comments under these links were various commendations and expressions of solidarity. Storm’s parents, most agreed, are heroes. Parents bragged about all their own children’s androgynous behavior, expressing their desire to rub it in the faces of “gender nazis.” 

From the Toronto Star
             From what I can tell, Storm’s parents had no idea the story of their unorthodox parenting would go viral, so we probably shouldn’t condemn them for using their child to get media attention. And I don’t think the “experiment,” as some have called it, poses any direct threat to Storm’s psychological well-being. But Storm’s parents are jousting with windmills. They’re assuming that gender is something imposed on children by society—those chimerical gender nazis—through a process called socialization. The really disheartening thing is that even the bloggers at Scientific American make this mistake; they assume that sparkly pink science kits that help girls explore the chemistry of lipstick and perfume send direct messages about who and what girls should be, and that the girls will receive and embrace these messages without resistance, as if the little tykes were noble savages with pristine spirits forever vulnerable to the tragic overvaluing of outward beauty.

            When they’re thinking clearly, all parents know a simple truth that gets completely discounted in discussions of gender—it’s really hard to get through to your kids even with messages you’re sending deliberately and explicitly. The notion that you can accidentally send some subtle cue that’s going to profoundly shape a child’s identity deserves a lot more skepticism than it gets (ask my conservative parents, especially my Catholic mom). This is because identity is something children actively create for themselves, not the sum total of all the cultural assumptions foisted on them as they grow up. Children’s minds are not receptacles for all our ideological garbage. They rummage around for their own ideological garbage, and they don’t just pick up whatever they find lying around.

            Psychologist John Money was a prominent advocate of the theory that gender is determined completely through socialization. So he advised the parents of a six-month-old boy whose penis had been destroyed in a botched circumcision to have the testicles removed as well and to raise the boy as a girl. The boy, David Reimer, never thought of himself as a girl, despite his parents’ and Money’s efforts to socialize him as one. Money nevertheless kept declaring success, claiming Reimer (who was called Brenda at the time) proved his theory of gender development. By age 13, however, the poor kid was suicidal. At 14, he declared himself a boy, and later went on to get further surgeries to reconstruct his genitals. In his account, written with John Colapinto, As Nature Made Him: The Boy Who Was Raised as a Girl, Reimer says that Money’s ministrations were in no way therapeutic—they were traumatic. Having read about Reimer in Steven Pinker’s book The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature, I thought of John Money every time I came across the term gender nazi in the Facebook comments about Storm (though I haven’t read Colapinto’s book in its entirety and don’t claim to know the case in enough detail to support such a severe charge).

            Reimer’s case is by no means the only evidence that gender identity and gender-typical behavior are heavily influenced by hormones. Psychiatrist William Reiner and urologist John Gearhart report that raising boys (who’ve been exposed in utero to more testosterone) as girls after surgery to remove underdeveloped sex organs tends not to result in feminine behaviors—or even feminine identity. Of the 16 boys in their study, 2 were raised as boys, while 14 were raised as girls. Five of the fourteen remained female throughout the study, but 4 spontaneously declared themselves to be male, and 4 others decided they were male after being informed of the surgery they’d undergone. All 16 of the children displayed “moderate to marked” degrees of male-typical behavior. The authors write, “At the initial assessment, the parents of only four subjects assigned to female sex reported that their child had never stated a wish to be a boy.”

            An earlier study of so-called pseudo-hermaphrodites, boys with a hormone disorder who are born looking like girls but who become more virile in adolescence, revealed that of 18 participants who were raised as girls, all but one changed their gender identity to male. There is also a condition some girls are born with called Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia (CAH), which is characterized by an increased amount of male hormones in their bodies. It often leads to abnormal testes and the need for surgery. But Sheri Berenbaum and J. Michael Bailey found that in the group of girls with CAH they studied, increased levels of male-typical behavior could not be explained by the development of male genitalia or the age of surgery. The hormones themselves are the likely cause of the differences. 
From Psychology Today and Satoshi Kanazawa

           One particularly fascinating finding about kids’ preferences for toys comes from the realm of ethology. It turns out that rhesus monkeys show preferences for certain types of toys depending on their gender—and they’re the same preferences you would expect. Girls will play with plush dolls or with wheeled vehicles, but boys are much more likely to go for the cars and trucks. And the difference is even more pronounced in vervet monkeys, with both females and males spending significantly more time with toys we might in other contexts call “stereotypical.” There’s even some good preliminary evidence that chimpanzees play with sticks differently depending on their gender, with males using them as tools or weapons and females cradling them like babies.

            Are gender roles based solely on stereotypes and cultural contingencies? In The Blank Slate, Pinker excerpts large sections of anthropologist Donald Brown’s inventory of behaviors that have been observed by ethnographers in all cultures that have been surveyed. Brown’s book is called Human Universals, and it casts serious doubt on theories that rule out every factor influencing development except socialization. Included in the inventory: “classification of sex,” “females do more direct child care,” “male and female and adult and child seen as having different natures,” “males more aggressive,” and “sex (gender) terminology is fundamentally binary” (435-8). These observations are based on societies, not individuals, who vary much more dramatically one to the next. The point isn’t that genes or biology determine behavioral outcomes; the relationship between biology and behavior isn’t mechanistic—it’s probabilistic. But the probabilities tend to be much higher than anyone in English departments assumes—higher even than the bloggers at Scientific American assume.

            Interestingly, even though there are resilient differences in math test scores between boys and girls—with boys’ scores showing the same average but stretching farther at each tail of the bell curve—researchers exploring women’s underrepresentation in STEM fields have ruled out the higher aptitude of a small subset of men as the most important factor. They’ve also ruled out socialization. Reviewing multiple sources of evidence, Stephen Ceci and Wendy Williams find that

            the omnipresent claim that sex differences in mathematics 
            result from early socialization (i.e., parents and teachers 
            inculcating a ‘‘math is for boys’’ attitude) fails empirical 
            scrutiny. One cannot assert that socialization causes girls to 
            opt out of math and science when girls take as many math 
            and science courses as boys in grades K–12, achieve higher 
            grades in them, and major in college math in roughly equal 
            numbers to males. Moreover, survey evidence of parental 
            attitudes and behaviors undermines the socialization 
            argument, at least for recent cohorts. (3)

If it’s not ability, and it’s not socialization, then how do we explain the greater desire on the part of men to pursue careers in math-intensive fields? Ceci and Williams believe it’s a combination of divergent preferences and the biological constraints of childbearing. Women tend to be more interested in social fields; while men like fields with a focus on objects and abstractions. However, girls with CAH show preferences closer to those of boys. (Cool, huh?)

  Ceci and Williams also point out that women who excel at math tend to score highly in tests of verbal reasoning as well, giving them more fields to choose from. (A recent longitudinal study replicates this finding - 3-26-2013.) This is interesting to me because if women are more likely to pursue careers dealing with people and words, they’re also more likely to be exposed to the strain of feminism that views science as just another male conspiracy to justify and perpetuate the patriarchal status quo. Poststructuralism and New Historicism are all the rage in the English department I study in, and deconstructing scientific texts is de rigueur. Might Derrida, Lacan, Foucault, and all their feminist successors be at fault for women’s underrepresentation in STEM fields at least as much as toys and stereotypes?

            I have little doubt that if society were arranged to optimize women’s interest in STEM fields they would be much better represented in them. But society isn’t a very easy thing to manipulate. We have to consider the possibility that the victory would be Pyrrhic. In any case, we should avoid treating children like ideological chess pieces. There’s good evidence that we couldn’t keep little kids from seeking gender cues even if we tried, and trying strikes me as cruel. None of this is to say that biology determines everything, or that gender role development is simple. In fact, my problem with the feminist view of gender is that it’s far too crude to account for such a complex phenomenon. The feminists are arm chair pontificators at best and conspiracy theorists at worst. They believe stereotypes can only be harmful. That’s akin to saying that the rules of grammar serve solely to curtail our ability to freely express ourselves. While grammar need not be as rigid as many once believed, doing away with it altogether would reduce language to meaningless babble. Humans need stereotypes and roles. We cannot live in a cultural vacuum.

            At the same time, in keeping with the general trend toward tribalism, the feminists’ complaints about pink microscopes are unfair to boys and young men. Imagine being a science-obsessed teenage boy who comes across a bunch of rants on the website for your favorite magazine. They all say, in capital and bolded letters, that suggesting to girls that trying to be pretty is a worthwhile endeavor represents some outrageous offense, that it will cause catastrophic psychological and economic harm to them. It doesn’t take a male or female genius to figure out that the main source of teenage girls’ desire to be pretty is the realization that pretty girls get more attention from hot guys. If a toy can arouse so much ire for suggesting a girl might like to be pretty, then young guys had better control their responses to hot girls—think of the message it sends. So we’re back to the idea that male attraction is inherently oppressive. Since most men can’t help being attracted to women, well, shame on them, right? 


(Full disclosure: probably as a result of a phenomenon called assortive pairing, I find ignorance of science to be a huge turn-off.)
Check out part 2 on "The Objectionable Concept of Objectification."
And part 1 on earnings.
These posts have generated pretty lengthy comment threads on Facebook, so stay tuned as well for updates based on my concession of points and links to further evidence.
And, as always, tell me what you think and share this with anyone you think would rip it apart (or anyone who might just enjoy it).
Update: Just a few minutes after posting this, I came across Evolutionary Psychologist Jesse Bering's Facebook update saying he was being unfairly attacked by feminists for his own Scientific American blog. If you'd like to show your solidarity, go to http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/bering-in-mind/.
Go here to read my response to commenters.

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